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Wednesday, January 07, 2009

Why Spain's Economic Crisis Is Something More Than A "Housing Slump"



Spain's inflation (as measured by the EU HICP methodology) was around 1.5% (year on year) in December 2008, according to the flash estimate issued by the stats office (INE) earlier this week. This number only offers us an initial glimpse of the final HICP reading, but, if confirmed, it will mean Spain's annual rate of inflation has dropped 0.9% (nearly one full percentage point) in the space 0f just one month - since in November the annual rate was 2.4%.



It will also mean that Spain's inflation for 2007 dropped its the lowest rate in a decade, down sharply from the 2007 rate of 4.2 percent. This is remarkable since Spanish inflation has generally been over the EU average for more than a decade now, and 1998 was the last year in which prices for goods and services rose as slowly as they did in 2008. And the big question is, just how much more disinflation is there now in the pipeline? Where, indeed, will this process end?


Putting Theory To The Test Over A Cup Of Coffee

Well, in order to dig a bit deeper into all of this in what I hope will be a practical and enjoyable way let me start by offering bit of free publicity for my local bar, which you can see in the photo at the top of this post. The bar is in fact situated in Barcelona's Plaça Lesseps (near to where I, myself, live, and also - for any of you who happen to visit Barcelona - directly en route for the Güell, or Gaudi, Park). The proximity to the park is obviously one of the reasons the chain who own the bar decided to put it where it is, since a significant proportion of the large number of tourists who make the daily pilgrimage to the park need to pass it on their way.

Well, the point of this small publicity spot is not simply to offer them a shamefaced and willy-nilly promotion, but rather becuase I have singled out this little bar for a small experiment. Basically Joaquin Almunia, Pedro Solbes, Miguel Fernandez Ordoñez and I are in disagreement about something. Better put, they all agree with each other, while I find myself in basic disagreement, since they hold that Spain will see very low inflation in 2009 but not outright wage and price deflation. Of course, the devil may be in the details here, since if we are talking about the whole year average, then they may well be right, but if we are talking about the trend, then on my view we are heading for negative price movements - and over a number of years probably - and the only real doubt I have in my mind is when this downward movement will start. Hence my small litmus test.

Basically I am going to take this bar as a test case, and in particular I plan to track the price of one particular product - their café con lleche (cafe amb llet in Catalan, café au lait for those who prefer the French version, but NOT, definitely not, the badly translated "milky coffee" - or coffee with milk - in English, since the art of this particular beverage is most definitely in the making).


Now for those of you who can read the price list (below, click on image for better viewing), the price of a café con leche in the bar is currently 1:15 euro (which isn't expensive if you consider the bar, its location, the quality of the coffee they serve - very good - and the level of prices generally in Barcelona). This price is already news, since they did not raise it on 1 January 2009, a move which has all too often been a custom here in Spain. So at least prices are more or less stationary now in Spain (or at least prices in the private sector are - see below). But I expect more. I expect to see these kind of prices fall, and keep falling, and it this process we will be following here on this blog as we move forward.





Now just to be clear where we are at the time of speaking, what we have in Spain at the present time is a strong disinflation process - not outright deflation. If we look at the index chart below, we will see that the general HICP index is not only stationary, it has been falling since July. Now this drop is largely the result of a sharp falling back in food and energy prices, and this is not in itself deflation. If we look at the performance in the core HICP index (taking out the "volatile" food and energy prices) we will see that the position is a lot less clearcut, since in fact the core index has continued to climb - following the line of the inbuilt inflation momentum - and has only started to steady up in the last couple of months.



So my argument is that the disinflation which is being produced by the negative energy price shock, in the context of very, very weak internal demand could in fact produce a negative feedback cycle of price reductions which extend well beyond food and energy.


Price Rigidities

There are two great obstacles to this downward movement, one is the existence of collective wgae bargaining structures which enable wages to rise when prices rise, but do not necessarily allow them to fall when prices fall - but it is inbuilt into my argument that the shock of demand contraction is simply going to be so strong over the coming 12 to 18 months that the ability of these agreements to withstand it in their present form has to be brought into question. The issue is, just how far and how fast are unions and government prepared to see unemployment rise before offering some sort of response, because this is just what the impact of these asymmetric wage rigidities will mean, very substantial pressure on employment as more and more companies are pushed towards bankruptcy. Of course, the "get out" may be the "pagos extra" (additional payments), which may simply become less frequent and less substantial. We will see.

The second rigidity is constituted by the so called "administered prices" - basically those prices which are controlled or authorised by a government agency in some shape or form or other. One area where the role of administered prices is going to be important is in energy. The Spanish government only last week agreed to let power companies raise electricity tariffs over 20 percent over the next three years. The agreement is, of course, part of the government's plan to eliminate the large gap between what utilities charge clients for electricity and the cost of generating it, a gap which is known as the tariff deficit, and of course in the process attempt to reduce that "other" deficit, the current account one. Utilities will be allowed to raise the maximum tariffs they may charge some consumers by between 7 and 9 percent per year over the next three years.

The industry ministry have so far introduced an average 3.5 percent rise in household electricity tariffs and a 2.8 percent increase in rates for small businesses, which come into effect from January 1. In return for permission to hike power rates, utilities will have to write off 2 billion euros of the tariff deficit, which sits on their books as a long-term government-backed credit. The government will guarantee up to 20 billion euros of tariff deficit and back the securitisation of the shortfall. The tariff deficit is estimated by Spain's energy regulator (CNE) to have swollen to 16.2 billion euros in 2008 from the 11.2 billion accumulated by power companies to the end of 2007.

Real And Nominal GDP



Now above you will find the first of two charts prepared by Japanese economist Richard Koo which I think will be useful to illustrate a number of points where we might find similarities between what is happening in Spain and what happened in Japan. The first of these points concerns the price of land (which is represented by the pink line in the chart - please click over image for better viewing). As you can see, Japanese land prices started to fall in 1991, and they really have not recovered to any significant extent to date (indeed land prices have now started falling again).

Now land has been the single biggest drag on Japanese asset prices since the early 1990s, and is one of the principal culprits behind all those years of protracted deflation, so I think people in Spain need to take note of this, and be warned. The second point to note is that outright deflation didn't set in in Japan till around the turn of the century, and what I am terming "outright" deflation is represented by the crossover point between real and nominal GDP. (Nominal GDP is GDP in current prices - ie the actual prices charged - real GDP is inflation corrected). Now as we can see, nominal GDP actually fell between 2000 and 2003, and this is a very complicated situation to handle, since debts retain their nominal values, while virtually everything else goes down. As a result, debt to almost anything up goes up, and this is the situation I fear we may see in Spain in 2009, or more probably 2010, where the economy contracts so fast, and prices also fall in a way that we get a sudden fall in nominal GDP. This, I think, would really be a nightmare scenario for everyone.

Consumer Confidence Holds At Its Low Level

As might only be expected, with such a sharp deterioration in operating conditions Spanish consumers are not exactly feeling happy these days, and while Spain's consumer confidence indicator rose ever so slightly in Decemebr - to 48.9 from 48.7 in November (according to the latest report from the Instituto de Crédito Oficial, ICO earlier this week) - is is still way, way below the long run series average.




The slight Decemebr improvement was largely due to a small increase in the sub component indicator for current economic conditions, but then it was December, and it was Xmas time. The current economic conditions indicator rose to 29.7 from 28.2 in November, while the consumer expectations component, on the other hand, dropped to 68.1 from 69.2. All in all we are still above July's historic low, but since confidence is still at a very low level that isn't exactly saying much.


Car Sales Fall Sharply Again In December

Spanish car sales fell 28.1 percent in 2008 over 2007, according to the car industry group ANFAC last week. This was the sharpest yearly drop ever, with Spanish car registrations falling 49.9% year on year in December, rounding out the year on the worst possible note - 72,377 cars were registered in December in Spain , down from 144,441 a year earlier. The car association reported that the drop was due to tougher financing conditions as well as the generally more difficult economic situation.

"Job losses and shrinking disposable income are undermining consumer confidence and hitting car sales," Anfac said. "If market conditions persist during 2009, new car registration will have fallen by over a million vehicles, which gives us an idea of the gravity of the situation."
Services Continue To Contract In December


But it isn't only manufacturing and the key car industry which is now being weighed down by the crisis, Spain's services sector is also feeling the pressure, and the December PMI showed the sector contracted sharply one more time as activity, new business and the workforce all shrank at a pace second only to November's record declines. The Markit PMI, covering Spanish service companies ranging from hotels to insurance brokers, dropped to 32.1 in December - way below the 50 level where growth starts - and the second-worst reading since the survey began in 1999, following November's record low of 28.2.



"The bad news in the Spanish economy just keeps on coming. The terrible PMI data for December were second only to November in their severity," said economist at MarkitEconomics Andrew Harker, "Any slight optimism seems largely based on wishful thinking, while it seems clear that conditions will continue to worsen in the first quarter of 2009 at least."
The Spanish government, who last month announced an extra 11 billion euros on top of the previously announced 40 billion euros in tax cuts and state credit in an attempt to stimulate an economy whose health is deteriorating rapidly, continue to assert that growth should pick up again from mid-2009, but as more and more waves of data come rolling in this looks increasingly unlikely and the Spanish economy seems set to contract all through 2009 and probably shrink again in 2010.


Current Account Deficit Narrows


One of the reasons why there is little room for optimism in the Spanish case is the need to correct the current account deficit, which, while it is now steadily falling back as internal demand weakens, is still running at something like an 8% of GDP annual rate. The deficit dropped again in October, according to the latest data from the Bank of Spain, hitting 7.86 billion euros, down from 8.11 billion euros in September and 9.02 billion euros in October 2007. As can be seen in the chart (below) the deficit has now been dropping steadily since March last year. The driving force behind the fall is more a question of declining imports than rising exports though, and, please note the very important point that the income account, which is the net balance of interest paid on loans and dividends on equities, still continues to deteriorate.




The deficit on income account was 3.53 billion euros in October, up from 1.77 billion euros in October 2007.



The reason for the deterioration in the income account isn't that hard to find, it lies in the growing external indebtedness of the Spanish economy (see chart below). This debt has now risen from 870 billion euros in Q3 2004 (or around 90% of GDP) to 1,686 billion euros in Q3 2008 (or around 155% of GDP). In fact the size of the debt has more or less doubled over this period, and it is still rising. The reason for the increase in debt isn't hard to find, since it lies in the need to attract funds to finance the large increase in the goods and services trade deficit which was created by attempting to run the Spanish economy so far above what could be termed its "capacity", and for so long.


So basically Spain's problem isn't simply a construction boom that went wrong. Spain's current economic malaise has deep structural roots that go back over a number of years - probably the best part of a decade. Basically Spain's economy overheated way beyond capacity for at least six years, and the smoking gun for this is what happened to the current account deficit (see chart below), as imports were steadily sucked in to meet the voracious demand, that was, of course, fuelled by the large rise in construction activity and the wealth-effect of steadily rising property prices.



And how, apart from the CA deficit, do we know that Spain's economy was operating "beyond capacity" - well one piece of evidence would be all that external debt which was accumulated by the inflow of foreign funds (which you can see in the earlier chart), and another would be the large number of migrant workers who were sucked in.

There are currently something like 5 million immigrants living and working in Spain, and they make up about 10% of the population, the highest proportion (of first generation immigrants) in the European Union. Even more strikingly, more than 4 million of these immigrants came to Spain after 2000, during the good years of the housing boom, they filled the toughest and worst paid jobs on building sites and farms.


So there you have it, an economy is basically a large cement mixer into which you throw money, people and raw materials in certain proportions - and out the product (national income) comes at the other end of the pipe. But Spain had neither the people, the money, nor the energy to fuel all this, hence all of these were imported, and in large quatities. Hence, ultimately, the CA deficit. Not all that hard to understand really I don't think.

But why did the economy overheat? Aha! Well just look at the chart below, and notice how the period when Spain was being subjected to negative interest rates coincides almost exactly with the sudden surge in the CA deficit. This is another tell-tale sign, another smoking gun. The monetary policy applied in Spain between 2002 and 2006 was thoroughly inappropriate. But now is not the time to quibble about this - when things are back under control again there will be plenty of time for a post mortem. Now is the time for action, and for doing something to try to ensure a more orderly correction than the one we are currently "enjoying", and it is this plan of action I find lacking, far more lacking than the mere absence of reflective self criticism.



Finally, (below), one last chart on Japan, again prepared by the Japanese economist Richard Koo. The thick blue line (please click over chart if you can't see adequately) shows the perception of large businesses of the willingness of banks to lend to them, as surveyed by the Bank of Japan for the Tankan index. You will note the line plunges twice, and it is the second plunge, or "credit crunch", which interests me at the moment. This was the crunch that finally drove Japan decisively off into deflation, and produced that now famed "liquidity trap". Basically the first credit crunch was resolved via large scale government contruction spending, the guaranteeing of bank deposits, and the swallowing by the banks of a large number of non-performing loans. Does all this sound familiar? It should. But then Japan reached a point were the financial system could struggle forward no further. So the crunch broke out again, and this time the only way to resolve the problem was with two massive injections of capital into the banking system. These injections served to push the Japan government debt to GDP ratio sharply upwards, and it is this part of the story that I feel we will see repeating itself here in Spain. Maybe in 2010, maybe in 2011. It all depends how far the system can limp forward before it folds in on itself.

Friday, January 02, 2009

The Second Great Depression Wends Its Way Forward in December

And lands in China.



Well China isn't quite in Great Depression mode yet, but manufacturing activity - which forms the core of the Chinese economy and accounts for 43% of all activity - is already very close to a technical recession, and phew, it wasn't very long ago that the Chinese economy was registering double digit growth. So the turn around is gigantic. The "close to technical recession in manufacturing industry" call comes from the people over at CLSA Asia-Pacific Markets, who compile the China purchasing managers index, and they base their judgement on the fact that their Chinese manufacturing index has now been registering contraction for five consecutive months.

Now for those of you who are new to the world of Purchasing Manager's Indexes (PMIs), welcome. Basically these indexes are very useful, since they give you a "just in time" point of reference to tell you what is actually happening. These are composite indexes - measuring things like current output, new orders (both domestic and export), employment and input prices. They are not perfect, but they are reasonably accurate - the fit which you can get between composite PMIs (manufacturing and services combined) and GDP is often attractively good - and in a country like China where the main data we get is year-on-year (which in a critical moment of rapid change like this one is virtually useless) it is very hard to see what is happening. The Shanghai-based Industrial Bank estimate, for example, that GDP growth in China will be 5.6% in Q4 2008. But what does that data point - if accurate - tell us? That the economy is slowing fast, well we already knew that. But just how fast? Well GDP was 9% in Q3 - down from 10.1% in Q2. So the deceleration is very rapid, but did the Chinese economy actually manage to contract in Q4? I doubt it, but it may do in Q1 2009, although the only way we would really know would be if the National Statistics Office published quarter-on-quarter seasonally adjusted numbers, which as far as I can see they don't. Indeed only a small group of highly developed economies actually take the trouble to do this, and you don't even find all EU member countries doing it yet, although Eurostat (thank god for Eurostat) do require such data from members (but those of you who ever get round to checking will see there are still blanks for some countries in the Eurostat quarterly releases).

Hence you can see why, in the case of somewhere like China, the PMIs are very, very useful, for those of us who would like to try and follow what is happening as it actually happens.

As for the PMI itself, China’s composite manufacturing index contracted for the fifth consecutive month in December as recessions in the U.S., Europe and Japan bit deep into demand for exports - indeed China's exports fell year on year for the first time in seven years in November. The CLSA China Purchasing Managers’ Index registered a seasonally adjusted 41.2, compared with a record low of 40.9 in November. On such indexes any reading below 50 reflects a contraction.

Despite the apparent small improvement in December the current output index actually fell sharply, and was down to a record low of 38.6 from 39.2 in November, so production was falling, and the index was basically nudged up slightly by other factors, such as the measure of new orders which rebounded to 37 from 36.1, driven by a rise in export orders to 33.6 from a horrific 28.2 in November. However, according to the report, Chinese manufacturers reduced the size of their workforces at a series record in December, and the employment index has now contracted for five consecutive months, to hit 45.2 in December.


So where exactly are we? Well we aren't (quite) in the Second Great Depression yet, but the situation is deteriorating, and rapidly. Manufacturing output is now contracting at quite a sharp pace, while it was rising in the first half of the year at something like a 15% year on year rate. In a useful summary of the Chinese situation back in November, Nouriel Roubini defined a hard landing in China - which he felt was coming - as follows:

There is thus now a growing risk of a hard landing in China. Let us be clear what we mean by hard landing. In a country with the potential growth of China, a hard landing would occur if the growth rate of the economy were to slow down to 5-6% as China needs a growth rate of 9-10% to absorb about 24 million folks joining the labor force every year; it needs a growth rate of 9-10% to move every year about 12-14 million poor rural farmers to the modern industrial/manufacturing urban sector.


This is more or less the consensus view of what we used to think a hard landing would mean in China, but I think the latest data already take us beyond that. I think there is now a real risk of a technical recession in the more or less classic sense of two consecutive quarters of negative growth (let's say that the risk is 50-50 at this point), and of serious economic and financial dislocation following in the train of this (btw, just how quickly can you burn your way through $1.7 trillion in reserves, it will be an interesting experiment I think).

Brad Setser (further down the same link) has long been more cautious on China, being sceptical about the impact of a dramatic slowdown in exports (and even more importantly in export oriented investment) on an export driven economy, but those of us who have been closely watching other export dependent economies like Germany and Japan over the last decade and a half were surely not quite so sceptical. However even Brad himself is clear that the possibility of an export downturn feeding its way back into the domestic economy - via some sort of negative feedback process - is real enough:

But the real key to forecasting China’s future growth consequently is determining whether domestic consumption and above all investment will continue to grow strongly in the absence of strong export demand. Remember, over the past few years both domestic investment and exports increased rapidly. If they fall together as well, Chinese growth will slow quite significantly. And unfortunately the latest indicators seem to suggest that they are correlated; consequently domestic demand may fall along with exports.


The $1.7 trillion question is, then, just why China is so export dependent? Doubtless there are many factors at work, but one of these is, I am almost sure, China's very special demographics (30 years of one child per familiy policy), and the special problems that these present in the context of building a sustainable national pensions system at the same time as the population pyramid inverts. Obviously the absence of a credible pension system has to be one of the factors influencing the strong desire to save which we are seeing in China. Economics Nobel Franco Modigliani also thought this, and specifically addressed the Chinese saving puzzle in his last published paper:

China's per capita income ranks below 100th in the world. Its saving rate, however, has been one of the highest worldwide in recent decades. In this paper, we attempt to explain the seeming paradox within the framework of the Life-Cycle Hypothesis developed by Franco Modigliani. The key LCH variables are income and population growth. Our results based on data we put together from official sources show that income growth has been the dominant factor behind the dramatic increase in China's saving rate, as predicted by the LCH. Demographic structure and inflation also had significant impact on the fluctuations of the saving rate.
The Chinese Saving Puzzle and the Life-Cycle Hypothesis - Franco Modigliani and Shi Larry Cao


By Way Of Brief Conclusion

Well basically, the conclusion here is that there is no conclusion, at this point at least. But I would draw attention to two potential points of interest for all you "economy watchers".

Firstly, a couple of months back my fellow blogger Doug Muir drew our attention to a very interesting point being made by US economic historian Scott Reynolds Nelson:

As a historian who works on the 19th century, I have been reading my newspaper with a considerable sense of dread. While many commentators on the recent mortgage and banking crisis have drawn parallels to the Great Depression of 1929, that comparison is not particularly apt. Two years ago, I began research on the Panic of 1873, an event of some interest to my colleagues in American business and labor history but probably unknown to everyone else. But as I turn the crank on the microfilm reader, I have been hearing weird echoes of recent events.


At the time of reading this I thought to myself hmmmm! This isn't that simple, but he is on to something. Basically I think no two (or does that make it now three) Great Depressions are ever really exactly alike. I certainly think the resemblence between what is going on now and what happened between 1929 and 1933 is more than passing (especially for the sequencing, of which more in another post), but evidently there are elements of the 1873 one too, and Scott Reynolds puts his finger on some of them, especially in the context of surplus to requirement investment and large capacity overhangs. So my best guess is that what we have is a hybrid, and that what is now happening in China is the best example of the underlying dynamics behind that other great depression that hit our grand- (or great grand) parents and that may well be now about to come back to hit us, boomerang style.

Which brings me to my second point, the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, which, as wikipedia explain, was signed into law on June 17, 1930, and raised U.S. tariffs on over 20,000 imported goods to record levels. After the act was passed, many other countries retaliated with their own increased tariffs on U.S. goods, and American exports and imports plunged by more than half. Many economists now regard the Smoot-Hawley Act as having been the principal feedback catalyst for the severe reduction in U.S.-European trade, and which took it from the 1929 high down to the depressed levels of 1932 and which thus accompanied the start of the Great Depression. And here, in the spectre of a repeat performance comes just the danger we face in the wake of the dramatic contraction which is now underway in China.

It is my personal guess that the first major issue to face Barack Obama as President of the United States may well be what to do about China, and especially what to do about a China which lets - as I now suspect they may well do - the yuan float, in order to see it float DOWN as the economy unwinds. If this does indeed happen then Obama will really have to struggle to hold back the protectionist pressure I think.